Aringnar Anna :The noble
leader
[September
15th is the 100th birth anniversary .Anna centenary is
being celebrated by all Dravidian parties. The cut outs or even the
certificates issued by these parties in connection with centenary celebrations
carry in prominence the living leader’s portraits and Anna is just reduced to
stamp size in sky high cut outs. The complete speeches of Aringnar Anna in
Rajyasabha, his English writings in Homeland and Home Rule have yet to reach
wider audiences. In internet an article by Mr.R.Kannan who lead the Civil Affairs with the U.N. Peacekeeping
Force in Cyprus, written in the 96th anniversary and published by
The Hindu is reproduced here with due thanks.]
THE NIGHT of
March 5, 1967, C.N. Annadurai, known better by his diminutive `Anna' or elder
brother, remained sleepless. There was reason to be excited. He was to be sworn
in Chief Minister of Madras
State the next day. But
it was not his Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam's flush of victory against the
Congress Goliath that kept him in that state. Anna explained: "I was wide
awake through the break of dawn. I visualized huts, the faces of those in
search of food and those waiting in queues, with their legs aching, before
ration shops. I kept wondering how I could remedy the situation. I could not
fall asleep."
Anna opted for
public life over a potential career to serve. Office, Anna soon realized, was
also a sentence. Only 20 days into his new job, he wrote dolefully: "I am
already tired of my new ministerial status filled with mirthless laughter,
contacts devoid of context and insipid conversations." He wondered how
Congressmen had spent 20 years in this state.
Let us be clear.
Anna was neither antipathetic to power as an instrument nor averse to the
Machiavellian machinations that politicking entailed. In fact, he parted
company with his mentor E.V. Ramasamy (Periyar) in pursuit of power. He
possessed great equanimity and a vision.
In his four
decades of public life, Anna espoused social justice, regional autonomy, and
the interests of Tamils and Tamil Nadu. As party leader, he felt secure unlike
many others in similar positions. While nurturing talent and leadership within
the party, he remained faithful to democratic precepts — staying clear of
nominating an heir even when he was afflicted with a serious illness. In the
end, the party witnessed an organic choice in the election of `Kalaignar' M.
Karunanidhi.
The DMK was
Anna's family. Party men or thambis (younger
brothers) found their Anna at once awesome and accessible. The thambis and their families began to internalize
Anna's successes and defeats as their own, even as their elder brother
instilled self-esteem and Tamil nationalist pride in them. Anna treated all
thambis with equal affection although he showed great judgment and foresight in
tapping their potential. He thus invited the genial `Navalar' V.R. Nedunchezian, an Annamalai University
graduate, to take over from him as party general secretary. Early on, a
multifaceted Mr. Karunanidhi attracted Anna's attention for his organizational
and other abilities. Anna also skillfully utilized the services of the
charismatic actor, `Makkal Thilagam' (the people's darling) M.G. Ramachandran.
To one hailing
from a modest family background, a backward class scholarship brought a college
education in Madras .
Drawn to public service and the non-Brahmin ferment, Anna resigned his job as
schoolteacher and spurned other offers and suggestions of employment. Anna's
gifted oratory and élan in both Tamil and English marked him out quickly.
Together with Periyar, he espoused rationalism, social justice, and an
independent south India
(Dravida Nadu). A more mellowed Anna, secular to the core, later described
himself as a Hindu sans the sacred ash, a Christian minus the holy cross, and a
Muslim without the prayer cap. He was also to give up the Dravida Nadu demand,
although he had seen separation as a panacea and believed that Pakistan 's
emergence would have a domino effect.
Barely 40 years
old, Anna had founded the DMK in 1949. The young leader beckoned `thazhntha Tamizhagam' (the fallen Tamil
nation) to rise to its former splendour through his dazzling powers of oratory
and writing. Anna's plays, Chandrodayam (Moonrise), Oar Iravu (One night) —
Anna literally wrote it overnight — Velaikkari (Servant Maid), Sorgavasal (The
entrance to paradise) and Needhi Devan Mayakkam (The Judge's dilemma), heralded
a new era of social introspection and revolutionized an entertainment industry
long captive to epics and legends. His script was no less scintillating.
The poet,
Bharatidasan, and the nationalist journalist, Kalki Krishnamurthy, aptly called
Anna Arignar (scholar) with the latter comparing him with playwright George
Bernard Shaw. As Anna's genius enlisted actors N.S. Krishnan, K.R. Ramasamy,
Sivaji V.C. Ganesan, D.V. Narayanasamy, S.S. Rajendran and M.G. Ramachandran in
the party's service, the organization grew in strength. It finally captured
power in a span of just 18 years.
But how has
Anna's legacy fared since? Institutionally, social justice — Anna's main plank
— remains strong. The unanimous demand from political parties for legislation
to undo the effects of the recent apex court judgment on affirmative action in
self-financing colleges is a classic case. In practice, however, the sense of
alienation of the Adi Dravidas (Dalits) in Tamil Nadu and also elsewhere
appears to have accentuated. While the intermediary communities and individual
Dalits have shown social mobility, a cross-section of them seems to feel
excluded despite the Dravidian parties' casteless and social welfare moorings.
The emergence of caste-based and exclusive Dalit organizations is testimony
that Anna's vision of inclusiveness has not been fully realized. Some parties
seem to have reacted by installing the depressed classes and women in senior
positions. Institutional arrangements notwithstanding, it is time to de-emphasize
caste-based politics and vigorously promote social reform.
Cooperation and
opposition
Ironically, the
proliferation of regional parties has achieved little in securing more power
for the States. In Anna's native Tamil Nadu, the Congress remains permanently
emaciated. The Dravidian parties, which between themselves have a two-thirds
share of the popular vote, remain the largest players. Despite their long stint
in power and their significant roles in coalition governments at the Centre,
their influence is yet to fully translate into the State's gains. Anna's
political philosophy of "opposition if necessary and cooperation where
possible" is eminently worth recall.
In retrospect,
Anna's Dravida Nadu demand might be interpreted as a carefully preserved
negotiating position for regional autonomy leading to a more equitable
distribution of power, wealth, and resources between the Centre and the States.
Regretfully, however, the Sarkaria Commission recommendations on Centre-State
relations continue to gather dust even as regional parties concentrate on
power-sharing at the Centre. Compare this with Anna's disinterested response to
Congress leader P. G. Karuthiruman — the latter wondered about Anna's reaction
in the wake of speculation that his Government might face punitive action for
excluding Hindi from government schools as part of the DMK's two-language
formula. Anna's response was that he would tender his resignation and leave as
happily as when he had taken office. Today education remains on the concurrent
list (since its transfer in 1976 from the States' list, a post-Anna
development). Is anyone seriously interested in getting it back to the State
list?
Language was an
important issue during Anna's time. Some might argue it remains crucial even
today. It is important to note that Anna himself had an open mind on the
question, asking only for a home-grown solution over a period of time. He wanted
all `regional languages' to have the status of national languages. This is yet
to become a reality.
Apart from
practicalities, concerns about the quality of education, governance, and
integration remain. It is surely a matter of satisfaction that civil servants
who did their exams in the `regional languages' have proved just as able and
committed as has anyone else. Anna would have treated the question of language
as a personal one, leaving the choice in the individual's hands. Besides, globalization
and the Internet revolution seem to have taken the political sting out of the
language issue.
Thirty-six years
on, Anna appears ubiquitous in Tamil Nadu. His statues abound even as thousands
of streets and hundreds of institutions and buildings proclaim his name, thanks
to the efforts of those claiming his legacy. Yet Anna remains at best a symbol.
His individual thambis and thangais (younger sisters) are a
generally prosperous lot. The elder brother, however, might have found a large
majority of them otherwise poor. Anna's sense of mission, his simplicity,
compassion, and talents may look outmoded. But so long as human values remain a
worthy goal, his legacy will be relevant — he cared not for those who could
help themselves, but for those who needed help.
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