EMERGENCY MARTYRS DAY EVERY YEAR AFFIRMS ANTI-CONGRESSISM IN OUR MINDS

திராவிட நாடு கேட்டுப்  போராடிய எங்களை ஒடுக்கப் பிரிவினை தடைச் சட்டம் கொண்டு வந்த நேருவின் காங்கிரசை ,  இரண்டே நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களை வெற்றி பெற வைத்த தி.மு.கழகத்தை உடைக்க துரோகி ஈ .வெ ,கி .சம்பத்தை களமிறக்கி வெட்டிக்  கொள்ளும் உரிமையுடன் ஒட்டிக் கொள்ளும் உரிமை என்று தமிழ் தேசிய கட்சி தொடங்க செய்த நேருவின் காங்கிரசை , மலையக தமிழர்களை  நாடற்றவர்களாக்கிய லால் பகதூர் சாஸ்திரியின் காங்கிரசை , பெரும்பான்மை இழந்த இந்திரா காந்தியின் ஆட்சியை காப்பாற்றிய திராவிட முன்னேற்றக்  கழக ஆட்சியை கலைத்து கழக தலைவர்களை சிறையில் அடைத்து அடித்து உதைத்து  கழக கொள்கை பரப்புச் செயலாளர் சி.சிட்டிபாபுவையும் சாத்தூர் பாலகிருஷ்ணன் அவர்களையும் கொன்ற காங்கிரசை,  மிரட்சி நடிகர் எம்.ஜி.ஆர் மீது வருமான வரி சோதனை நடத்தி மிரட்டி தனிக்  கட்சி துவங்கச் செய்த காங்கிரசை ,  ஈழத் தமிழரை காப்பாற்ற அனுப்பப்பட்ட இந்திய அமைதி படையாலேயே அவர்களை கொன்று குவித்த ராஜிவ் காந்தியின் காங்கிரசை, உலகில் நாஜிக்களின் இனப்  படுகொலையை விட மிகப் பேரளவிலான இழைத்த தமிழர் இனப்  படுகொலை நடைபெற மௌன சாமியாராக மறைமுகமாக சிங்களவருக்கு உதவிய மௌன்  மோகன் சிங்கின் காங்கிரசை உயிருள்ளவரையும் செத்துவிட்டால்  சொர்க்கத்திலோ நரகத்திலோ எங்கு போனாலும் நான்  உறுதிபட எதிர்க்கப் போகும் காங்கிரசை  நினைவூட்டவே நெருக்கடி நாள் நினைவேந்தல் நிகழ்ச்சியை திராவிடப் பேரவை நடத்தியது. 1974 ல் புதுவை பிருந்தாவனம் பேராசியர் ராஜபாண்டியன் இல்லத்தில்  நான்  அளித்த விருந்தில் கலைஞருடன் சிட்டிபாபு..

Dream of an Aristocracy of Achievements Arising out of a Democracy of Opportunities” .. Aringnar Anna

ANNA DREAMS OF TAMILS UPLIFT

Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Pro-Chancellor Mr. Vice- Chancellor, Graduates of the Year and Friends:

Thankful as I am for the unique honor conferred on me by this institution, it is not without hesitation as a good deal of trepidation that I stand before this august assembly to-day to deliver the Convocation address, for though it is a pleasure to be present on the happy occasion of greeting the graduates of the year and wishing them all a bright and prosperous future, it is not an easy task to place before them appropriate guidelines-conscious as I am of my own limitations and aware of the eminence of those who stood at this rostrum in the past and gave weighty and worthy advice to the graduates. Stalwarts in various walks of life, scholars of erudition and experience, administrators of rare abilities, have all been here to deliver instructive discourses, and I do not for a moment imagine that I have the capacity to add any thing substantial to what has been already said by those who preceded me. I am convinced therefore that to be called upon to deliver this  address is not so much an invitation as a command to me bestow the most careful and considered thought on the role of Universities in general and of the Annamalai University in particular.

The fact that I am conscious of my own limitations gives me a sense of relief, for attempt I shall not to offer original ideas or theories with a special stamp, but only reiterate some of the cardinal principles enunciated by those who offered their a advice in past years, perhaps with annotations here and there, bringing to bear the lay-man’s point of view to the findings of experts in various fields connected with education.

This is the age of the common man-whatever the regrets some might have –and it’s his point of view that matters most and I do claim to represent him in all his ruggedness.

Systems and schools of thought, whether it is in philosophy or politics, ethics or economics, are certainly meant for him. Of course, the interpretation should come from scholars and experts and the art of translating them into every day activity is to be undertaken by the administrators. Universities, as the repositories of knowledge and the nursing ground for the emissaries of thought wisdom and service, have got a prominent  role to play-and the prominence is growing every day, as more and more individuals get themselves equipped for the task of bettering society in all its age when we have eschewed monarchy and autocracy and have inaugurated the era of democracy.

During the monarchical or feudal days, Universities had to train scholars and poets to adorn the chambers of Royalty or the gilded mansions of Lord and nobles and their wisdom was meant for the mansion, not for the market place. Those were days when numbers did not count, nor were eminent scholars asked to face the problems confronting the masses. They were content to work in secluded spheres, far from the din and noise of the common man and weave the costly fabric of philosophy of poetry which on turn was to be converted into dazzling garments for the select and the privileged.

The role of the University to-day is not cloistered and confined as in the past. Its function has been enlarged-not in its fundamentals but in its domain. It has to take into account the commonness, but to trim and train, guide and lead him, for asked to do his duty as the citizen of a democracy-a task which kindles sweet hopes but which demands, patience and perseverance, faith and confidence, faith in himself and in others and confidence in his inherent ability to shoulder the responsibilities. The common man has become the birth place of a potential ruler and the duty today, the responsibility today of the universities is to fashion out of him as an individual fitted and equipped for the task of making democracy fruitful and effective.

I said that the duties and responsibilities of Universities have grown in dimension and scope, but pointed out that the fundamentals remain unaltered and these fundamentals are of permanent value and of perennial interest. The supreme task before the University is to give those who seek a vision of knowledge in its true proportions and perspectives, to maintain the sovereignty of ideas and ideals in the world. A balanced mind, the ability to discriminate between what is merely trivial and what is important, the capacity to look at a problem from all its angles without fear or favour, to be tolerant of the other man’s point of view. These are fundamentals which are unalterable and it’s only the universities that can provide society with a continuous stream of men and women endowed with these qualities.

While addressing the University of Brussels, Dr.S.Radhakrishnan, our former president, made the following statement:

“For its proper functioning democracy requires more qualities than other forms of government. It is in the universities that we can develop the true spirit of democracy, appreciation of other points of view and adjustment of differences through discussions. It can be kept healthy and strong by the exercise of individual responsibility and judgement.in universities we have to re-call the struggles of the past and realize the perils and possibilities, the challenges and opportunities, of the present.”

Democracy is not a form of government alone –it is an invitation to a new life-an experiment in the art of sharing responsibilities and benefits-an attempt to generate the common task. Hence we cannot afford to waste a single talent, improverish a single man or woman or allow a single individual to be stunted in growth or held under tyranny and the universities should through the graduates it sends forth year after year, annihilate the forces that attempt at aggrandizement and tyranny, fight against caste and hypocrisy and enthrone human dignity.

Graduates of the year, I wish you all a prosperous future-for, after all, the immediate concern of every individual, graduate or no graduate, is to acquire the means for a decent living. That is the first motivation for all human activity and no one can ignore it, but that ought not to be the sole objective. Something higher and nobler than mere individual material advancement is expected of you – for remember that this University education is a privilege that you enjoy, for which you are deeply indebted to the community of which you are a member. Most of the money needed for maintaining institutions of higher education come from the revenues collected from the community through the State, and a good proportion of that revenue comes from the tillers and the toilers, men who did not enjoy this privilege, men who willingly submit themselves to discomfort, so that they can enable the next generation to lead a better life. Graduates of the Annamalai University, may I ask you, how you are going to repay – what is to be your contribution to the social chest on which you have drawn so largely. Unless you replenish it richly, coming generations will find only an empty coffer. Your superior education increases your responsibility to society and therefore, apart from or along with your own individual advancement, society has got a right to expect an adequate return from you – not so much in terms of money as in terms of service – in toning up society, in bringing light into the dark alleys, sunshine into dingy places, solace into the afflicted, hope unto the despondent and a new life unto every one.

That this is a welcome and worthy ideal none would dispute, but not every one will come forward to translate that ideal into action – and yet our ancient as well as modern thinkers have all stated in unmistakable terms that wisdom is manifested in action.

Unless service is the outcome, the sermons become sweet nothings. As Jefferson stated,“We must dream of an aristocracy of achievements arising out of a democracy of opportunities”

And when I seek your help and co-operation in the supreme task of serving society, please do not wink and smile and say, it is all so easy to say. I am not unaware of the difficulties in the way, nor am I going to brush aside the influence of the environment on you. May be, the world in which you are to begin the journey is one which will dim your hope, disturb your determination. You may come face to face with the unpleasant sight of practices widely differing from the principles inculcated in you. You may find self-seekers enthroned and the patient worker decried. Tyranny of all sorts may stare at you and every step you take will be a struggle. I admit that the environment is such that even people with robust optimism will be discouraged and forced to take to the part of ease and comfort.

But, we should also realize that a continuous stream of men and women endowed with the spirit of service has been carrying on the crusade successfully and have conferred rich benefit on humanity.

We, the Tamilians have been holding aloft this ideal for more than two thousand years and hence we find in Pura Nanuru this passage,

"c©lhš m«k ï›îyf« . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

jk¡bfd Kayh neh‹whŸ

ãw®¡bfd KaYe® c©ik ahnd!"

As inheritors of that rich legacy, you are best fitted to overcome even the environment and serve society to the best of your abilities,

Anyone, who proposes to do good must not expect people to roll stones out of his way, but must accept his lot calmly if they even roll a few more upon it. A strength which becomes clearer and stronger through its experience of such obstacles is the only strength that can conquer them – says Albert Schweitzer.

Though the problems in various countries are of a similar nature, the peculiarity attached to the problems of our country is of a pronounced nature.

Ours is not case of starting from scratch-had that been the case the only thing needed would have been the intensity of effort to be put forth. 

Ours is a case of erosion of the mind – we are not in search of fields, but have to engage in the task of fertilizing it, irrigating it, we are not in search of ideals, but are engaged in the more intricate task of classifying, codifying and verifying layers of ideals. We are not wanting in culture-but have to cleanse it from the cob-web of time and de-adulterate it. In short, we have to re-discover ourselves, and re-construct our entire thought. Once task to-day is to allow fresh air and sunshine and regain the original shape and stature – that which made us well

Known is distant lands and climes.Our literature, art and architecture are fine specimens of human intelligence – but they bear the ravages of time and also the effect of currents and cross currents so that to-day we have to listen to the foreign historian or scholar in order to realize the “glory and grandeur” of our own country.

Age commands veneration –but unless it is recuperated, decay sets in. our culture and civilization are hoary, but we have allowed scars and wrinkles to disfigure them. It is our duty therefore to re-discover and re-construct what is ours and enrich it by drawing liberally upon the achievements of other countries.

Our problem is not want of a system –in any branch of knowledge. We have fine specimens in all spheres. We claim also –and that rightly –immortality for our systems, but we have not succeeded in keeping them fresh and young, effective and energetic, for we have allowed them to decay.

If a system has to endure, says, Dr.Radhakrishnan, it must be perpetually young and ready to change. In other words, it must be capable of accepting new ideas, have the resilience of mind which the young have, have the openness, flexibility and spirit of adventure by which they accept what is given to them and transform it out of recognition.

Eos, a goddess falling in love with a mortal, prayed to god to grant immortality to the lover-‘yes’, said god, and the mortal gained immortality. But he grew old, infirm, senile, decayed –and what was a feast once to the eyes of Eos became a sight to shun and grieve over –and he who gained immortality longed for death – for what is life if it becomes a prey to decay? Then Eos sighed and said, “I prayed for immortality for my lover, forgetting to pray for perpetual youth.”

We in this country are facing some such situation – and we are in charge of the task of rejuvenating our culture and civilization – our entire thought, instead of attempting that, we have been, for too long a period, doting upon the decayed forms attempting to defend them from critics and currents of new thought. And while other parts of the world, after persistent and patient search after truth, have arrived at new conclusions and are scaling new heights, we are content to sit near the shattered rampart and narrate past glory.

Our religion has degenerated into rituals, our society which was once classless and casteless has degenerated into water –tight compartments of caste and creed and all the while, we have kept either silent or have been supplying defense to superstition and orthodoxy by offering liberal allowing this state of affairs to exist, despite condemnation and protest, and, more than that, whenever a doughty warrior comes forth to fight against the evils prevalent, we decry and denounce him as an annihilator of noble values and hoary systems.

 Periyar Ramasami represents and symbolizes the fury and frustration in a sizable section of society at this state of affairs. To allow systems to degenerate and at the same time denounce those who champion the cause of rationalism is but to perpetuate superstition and orthodoxy and allow this society of ours to get decomposed.

Universities offer the proper forum for a free and full discussion of these intricate problems and graduates trained here are to go forth as emissaries of that social reconstruction which is long over due. The country looks to centers of learning like this

Universities to enable the people to pursue the path of progress, braving difficulties and if need be, courting danger.

Graduates of the Annamalai University, let me call upon you to carry on the crusade against caste which cannot co-exist with democracy, against superstition which cannot co-exist with science and against tyranny of various dimensions which cannot co-exist with liberty, equality and fraternity.

Pursuing vocations for your and your families’ well being, you have to perform your duty towards society. You are to become torch – bearers of rationalism – and rationalism does not mean repudiation of basic and fundamental truths and maxims, but the annihilation of dubious modes of thought and action. You have to work hard and with daring and dash, for we have to clear cob-webs which are centuries old and let reason reign supreme.

Another peculiar feature of our times is the fact that we are a nation in the making, and if in their anxiety to forge integration, some confuse unity with uniformity, it is the duty of men trained here to clearly enunciate the principle and see to it that, in the name of unity, no part of the country is made to become the vassal of another part-knowingly or unknowingly. We cannot be a party to foul play, however worthy the goal. Just on the eve of independence Rajaji stated with an acumen all his own, “our political experiment is really like melting iron and metals and pouring them in to a crucible and making an alloy, an alloy which can stand wear and tear . It is not like the chinaware that other people have turned out in their countries. Their democracies were easy to make – like plastics. But we are dealing with metals.” National integration is a goal, worthy and much – sought after, but neither in the field of language nor in the economic sphere, could we tolerate injustice and domination. That is exactly why this government was brought into existence – it represents the determination of the people to be coerced into accepting Hindi as the official language.

When we plead for the continuance of English as the link language, some people do misrepresent us and misinterpret our motive. They trot out untenable arguments and disputable statistics, bring in the bogey of disintegration and want to silence people by threats and troops. Problems were never solved by autocratic methods – and this problem of language is intimately connected with our way of life, not for the present alone but for the future as well.

The government of Tamilnadu has stated in unmistakable terms that Tamil and English can serve all our purposes, the former as the official language of this state and the latter as the link language. If it is accepted and the most emphatic of Hindi protagonists do accept that - if it is accepted that English can serve admirably as a link between our state and the outside world, why plead for Hindi to be the link language here? What serves to link us with the outside world is certainly capable of rendering the same service inside India as well. To plead for two link languages is like boring a smaller hole in a wall for the kitten while there is a bigger one for the cat. What suits the cat will suit the kitten as well

English is foreign, some argue, as if we were out to destroy or give up everything foreign. We bring foreign wear in foreign ships. We seek foreign aid not only in the shape of money bur also in the from of technical know-how and not a week passes without one or other leader undertaking a journey to the west or east to secure whatever aid is possible to secure. And on top of all these things, we have given up so many systems peculiarly our own.

We are not content with rural economy, we want Trombays and Ennores. And we are not conscious of their being foreign; only in the matter of language we pose as being ultra –nationalists and dub the English language as foreign.

Shelly and Byron, Keats and Coleridge, Emerson and Bacon-they are not foreign to us in the strict sense of the term. Is Tiruvalluvar a mere Tamilian? They are all world citizens – world teachers. And the language enshrining their thoughts is not to be discarded just because it comes from another country. That we are not going to accord a higher status to English is borne out by the fact that we have accepted and are implementing with due caution the principle of making Tamil the medium of instruction in colleges –progressively.

University education is an epitome of all that is best in thought cultivated in various countries, and from you should radiate universal thought and cosmopolitan ideas.

And if we are to get all these and more from out of the graduates of the University we have to re-examine the methods in vogue in universities, in teaching and in administration, and so perfect them that every student feels that he is a co-sharer of the pleasure and privilege of knowledge along with his professors. I shall not dabble in methods of teaching or administration-experts in that field are the natural custodians-my plea is only as regards the necessity for a re-examination.

While the functions assigned to universities are mostly of the same type, the Annamalai University, by its structure and spirit, has got a special function of its own. The great founder’s nobility and generosity has made this institution gain the esteem of eminent men here and elsewhere; but if we analyze the thought and motive force of Rajah Sir Annamalai Chettiar, we will find that he wanted this place to be not only a seat of learning and research of Tamil Culture and Tamil polity. He had the foresight to realize that Tamilians were going to cultivate their special talents and that was exactly why he started and made a success of the Tamil Isai Movement. Rajah Sir was never a man of tall talk-he believed in solid work and he knew the time was bound to come for us to delve deep into our annals and literature, culture and civilization and succeed in getting due and adequate recognition in the world forum.

Truly great has been our achievement in the field of literature. To be able to announce to the world that we the Tamilians do process.

“e‰¿id ešy FWªbjhid I§FWü

bwh¤j gâ‰W¥g¤ njh§F gÇghlš

f‰w¿ªnjh® V¤J« fÈnah lf«òwbk‹

¿¤âw¤j v£L¤ bjhif”

And to present to the world the great Tirukkural which is a Code of Conduct for the entire humanity are something about which we can have pardonable pride and pleasure.

And yet, are we devoting enough attention to these Tamil Classics? Addressing the Convocation here in 1943, the late lamented Sir R.K. Shanmukham Chetty had the following to say:-

“I graduated with a complete ignorance of Tamil Culture and History: in fact with a great deal of contempt for these. I attained a fair degree of proficiency in English literature and the history of European culture. I acquired some knowledge of even Anglo- Saxon and Gothic. I read the translation of the Bible in the Gothic language , but I had not read the Kural of Valluvar. I could understand Chaucer, but the name of Ilango was nothing but a name. Even after leaving College, I kept alive my interest in these studies and built up a Library in which there was not a single Tamil book.

In my early youth when I lived in a world of my own with no sense of responsibility, all this made no difference to me and I was proud of my learning. Soon when manhood came with its cares and problems, I found myself a stranger in my own home…….Gradually I began to realize the incongruity of my scheme of life and for some time now I have been endeavoring to rectify the balance. It was only a few years ago that I seriously attempted to study some of the Tamil Classics. I find that they are fit to rank among the immortal works of the world. I now bitterly regret my neglect of the treasures of my own land.”

It was not an apologia, but the expression of a new determination and Sir R.K.Shanmukaham lived to establish the truth that he had mastered not only the Tamil language but Tamil literature as well. Had he lived for some more years, he would traveled many a land carrying the message of the Tamil Classics, which spoke at such a hoary past about

“x‹nw FyK« xUtnd njtD«”

“ahJ« Cnu ahtU« nfË®”

“Éidna Mlt®¡F cÆnu”

“ešyJ brŒjš M‰Ö uhÆD«

mšyJ brŒjš X«òÄ‹”

“v›tÊ ešyt® Mlt®

m›tÊ mšy thÊa Ãynd”

“bršt¤J¥ gand

“ÔJ« e‹W« ãw® ju thuh”

“gF¤J©L gšYÆ® X«òjš ünyh®

bjhF¤jt‰WŸ všyh« jiy”

Thoughts now placed before the world as blossoms of the modern age.

You, graduates of the Annamalai University, have got undertake the special task of carrying the message that our classics contain to the entire world and declare that what was the most ancient here is what is being introduced to-day as the most modern.

South India is the home of the most ancient culture Though for a fairly long period there was the mist of ignorance, thick and widespread, it has now been acknowledge by all that Dravidian Civilization of a highly developed character can be traced back to the second and third millennia before Christ. Many a Foreign scholar has borne testimony to the perfection with which Tamil language has been developed into an instrument of precise and subtle thought and to the beauty and richness of the literature – which is contained in it. Dravidian literature, philosophy, art and architecture offer therefore a rich and fruitful field for exploration and critical investigation.

Not for more glorification but for a just appreciation of all that is of real value and beauty in our past heritage. We need this research and investigation.

I do not propose to talk about your responsibility in the political arena. Suffice it to say that you should make democracy safe and sound, salubrious and fruitful.

Carry the message that this Universities has given to you wherever you go, whatever the station you find yourselves in and elevate the common man- the average man-

“He seems incredible but represents two –thirds of mankind. He lives in hut. He cannot read or write. His energy is sapped by disease. He labours up to 15 hours a day. He works on land he does not own. He and his family are family are usually hungry. He will die young. But he still has hopes for his children; that they will be strong and healthy; will be able to read and write, will know individual freedom in a peaceful world. This is the world’s average Man.”

And the world over, this average Man has become conscious of the injustice done to him and as a consequence we find agitations and marches, struggles and clashes. In many a country, measures to raise his level have been undertaken. Take a pledge, here and now, that we will not lag behind and leave our average man in the lurch. For if the base is weak, the dome is doomed. Inheritors as you are of a noble heritage, you are eminently fitted for this noble task, and on its success depends the future of this nation as of others.

Let us remember what Woodrow Wilson said,

“Nations are renewed from the bottom not from the top . . . real wisdom of human life is compounded out of the experiences of ordinary men. The utility, the vitality, the fruitage of life comes like the natural growth of a great tree, from the soil, up through the trunk into the branches to the foliage and the fruit. The great struggling unknown masses of the men who are not the base of everything are the dynamic force that is lifting the level of society. A nation is as great and only as great as her rank and file.”

May I submit my plea to you, youths blossoming forth from this institution, be firm but not obstinate, let here be a blending of ideas, but never cheap imitation and injurious adulteration, beware of mistaking obsessions for principles and fads for facts, strike at a synthesis and avoid subservience, view as the final on to protest against injustice but project not your own view as the final one, forget not the ancient saying

“f‰wJif« k©zsî fšyh Jyfsî”

And father not when you practice what you profess.

University education gives you the basic needs for this stupendous task, but that is not enough. Say along

I read, I study

I examine, I listen

I reflect, and out of

All this, I try to form

An idea in which I can put as

Much of commonsense

As I can.

And remember the longest journey is the journey inward, and since graduation is but the starting point of that journey, I wish you success-reach the goal yourselves-teach others to march towards the goal and let that goal be,

A world without the

beggar’s out-stretched

palm, the miser’s

heartless, stony stare,

the piteous wail of

want, the pallid face

of crime, the

livid lips of lies,

the cruel eyes

of scorn,

A race without

disease of flesh or

brain, shapely and

fair, the married

harmony of form and

use-where

life lengthens, fear

dies, joy deepens,

love intensifies, and

Man regains his

Dignity.

And to get these things realized, let us one and all strive towards the ideal enunciated by Thiruvalluvar,

“cWgáí« Xth¥ ãÂí« brWgifí«

nruh âaštJ ehL”

I am confident that you are being sent into the wide world by the Annamalai University with this objective-you are bound to win, for you are adequately equipped with the spirit supplied by this great institution. May your life be a bright one, and may its luster brighten the entire land! Accept my congratulations and march onwards, towards the land of smiles.

[Annamalai University Convocation Address of Tamilnadu Chief Minister C.N.Annadurai on 18.11.1967]

  

LIKE MYTHOLOGICAL PHOENIX DMK WILL RISE AGAIN

WEED WEEDS OUT:

HEED TO ANNA’s LIFE’s MISSION

Dravida Munnetra Kazhgam [DMK] launched in 1949 by Aringnar Anna is now at cross roads. A lady who remained in wilderness when DMK was in power had suddenly pretends to be a lady with a vision who had come as savior of Tamilnadu. Yesterday i.e. 7^th July 2011 speaking to media she says the people have already brought DMK down and its end has arrived. Electoral setbacks never bury a party in its catacomb. Many a party in Indian politics that faced defeats has bounced back. DMK is a party with difference. It was embarked upon the ideological plank of cultural nationalism.

Its seeds lay hidden in the grammatical principle enunciated by Tholkappiar, 3000 years ago to eschew Sanskrit alphabets from Tamil script. The movement which spearheaded the Tamil language struggle of 1965 failed to translate the dreams of those martyrs who self immolated for the cause of their mother tongue. It was content with neon light boards over government buildings proclaiming long life for Tamil but failed to make Tamil medium of instruction, and for all practical purposes adulterated Tamil, admixture of Tamil and English known as Tamilish was thrust into the minds of Tamils through television channels patronized by DMK.

In every hamlet in thatched sheds a library would come up where uneducated and semi-literate would meet in evenings to read numerous publications of DMK and would debate for hours on every issue of the world. Tea shops, cycle hiring shops, hair dressing shops and in the mini-reading rooms named after Anna, Navalar, Perasiriyar etc would become debating platforms on serious subjects like atheism. 

During emergency though there was not anarchy in Puducherry as in Tamilnadu, for precaution I was hiding in a launderers shop in Bussy Street of Puducherry, and Mathivanan, Chairman of the 15 th ward of DMK branch unit, who is not a teetotaler would explain Vietnam War to the stunned listeners. In fact for many articles I wrote during emergency in official organs of DMK, his witty and informative inputs were stimulants. Gone are the days when every DMK men was strong in debating field with wide knowledge gained through writings of Periyar EVR, Aringnar Anna and many a DMK leader of those days. Aringnar 

Anna while speaking on behalf of Malaysian DMK declared that DMK’s public meetings are evening colleges of Tamilnadu. Read everyday debate everyday was the unwritten rule of DMK cadres of those days. Educate the people; serve the people, Anna gave the call and students of the day thronged to him to learn on Gresham’s law of Economics while studying in elementary and high schools. Gone are those golden days.

Now DMK and ADMK are led by and fed by business magnates of self financing colleges. Liquor mafia and Land mafia are the office bearers in both these parties. Men may come and men may go but I go on forever, Mathew Arnold wrote as if a river spoke. Parties may come and go but plunderers and profiteers are same tribe. Just change the dress to match the current party’s flag and be well versed in praising those in power, seems to be the principle enunciated by current breed of politicians.

Before 1967 party elections DMK raised funds by selling DMK flag badge for 4 ana, 25 paise was known as 4 ana, and in Cuddalore led by veteran DMK leader Mrs.Sathyavanimuthu I remember having sold such badges to public to raise funds for meeting party’s election expenses. Auditorium meetings where people will buy tickets to hear speakers generated funds. Drama too brought in funds. Through such simple means from public DMK collected election funds and the target was 10 lakhs but Treasurer M.Karunanithi collected more than target and Aringnar Anna in wittingly said Rs 11 lakhs will be the candidate in Saidapet constituency instead of mention Kalaignar by name. 

Actor S.S.Rajendran’s reminiscences on Anna published as a chapter by International Institute of Tamil Studies recalls how MGR and SSR, then DMK’s leading film stars decided to repay all the debts of Aringnar Anna Founder of DMK when Anna passed away. But Anna’s family was not willing so all the DMK legislators and members of parliament contributed their one month salary which though insufficient to wipe out all debts was accepted by Anna’s family. Later when SSR was producing a film a taxi was hired by his unit which was not in good running condition. SSR thought of dropping that taxi but found it was owned by Anna’s wife to earn for family expenses. On knowing this both MGR and SSR regularly contributed Rs 5000 each to meet the family expenditure of Anna. 

Later one day Anna’s adopted son[ Anna did not have an issue, his sisters son was adopted son] Dr.Anna Parimalam came to MGR and SSR and told that he had got job and hereafter both actors need not pay regular monthly assistance. What a nobility and honesty, Anna had inculcated in his adopted son. It is well known to all in Tamilnadu, that Anna.Parimalam a medical doctor by profession unable to give himself to money fleecing ultra-modern hospitals of the day committed suicide. This is the history of DMK founder’s family and those who garland his statues as ritual do not know this past. MGR when he floated his own party after Anna’s name, the DMK cadre thought he will emulate Anna’s honest path since in his film songs he had created such a myth about his honesty.

Joining hands with one liquor baron MGR is alleged to have gained in every bottle of India made foreign liquor sales in Tamilnadu and on the day MGR breathed his last, as we have now seen in Sathya Sai Ashram, from MGR’s Sathya Gardens lorry loads of gunny bags full of money was smuggled out by men closer to him who overnight became multi-millionaires of self financing medical and engineering colleges in Tamilnadu. These men even kicked J.Jayalalithaa out of the military vehicle which carried MGR’s body for burial in Marina beach.

When I went to meet MGR in his Arcot Mudaliar Street house in Thiagaraya Nagar named after Sir P.T.Thiyagarayar founder of Justice Party, in Chennai a young friend of mine who gave me coffee and informed MGR over intercom about my arrival and who worked as his errand boy is one of the top richest men in Tamilnadu, of course education is his business .Overnight millionaires created by MGR infiltrated into DMK after emergency and thereafter in both the DMK and ADMK men of principles or ideologically firm cadres were shown the exit door.

Same sand mafia, land mafia, liquor mafia, education mafia and chameleons of perfection well versed in the art of gaining confidence of rulers of the day within few hours of poll results are ruling both parties. Both parties’ boast of their strength while in power because they get intoxicated by the pretence of loyalty paraded by these political chameleons and that leads to their downfall. Now it is the turn of the DMK to be at the receiving end and a day which ADMK experienced in past will again re-visit them in future.

So boasts like end of DMK are mere wishful thinking. DMK is not built by those who now enjoy power in DMK. The political businessmen are not the strength of DMK. The cadre which self immolated for DMK is DMK’s strength. They may not sacrifice for cine actors but they will rebuild DMK from scratch, and like mythological phoenix DMK will raise again if it fights all mythologies and espouses the simplicity and honesty of Anna; of course weeds have to be weeded out. DMK will never meet its end, for whom victory had brought illusions about a party built by Aringnar Anna.

N.Nandhivarman

General Secretary Dravida Peravai

8.7.2011

IN WORLD MOTHER LANGUAGES DAY DECLARATION TAMIL LOST TO BENGALI.......

ABDUL KALAM ADMIRER OF KALAIGNAR's WRITINGS

GANDHI WAS FOR KHADI ANNA WAS FOR HANDLOOM BUT WHO PROMOTED IMPORTS OF WESTERN BRANDS DEPRIVING OUR WEAVERS OF DECENT LIFE?

TAMIL WEAVERS LOST THEIR PLACE UNDER THE SUN

N.Nandhivarman

You would have seen protests in Indian cities, which is an every day affair. Have you heard that the weavers of London protested in the streets of London in 1700 demanding ban on import of Indian textiles. Indian textiles were far superior to British products and weavers of British Isles forced their government to ban Indian textiles. The excavations in Red Sea ports and Dutch maritime records reveal that once upon a time India was the couturier of the world. Ms.Rosemary Crill of the V& A Museum of London along with co-authors Ruth Barnes and Steven Cohen published a book Trade, Temple and Court Indian Textiles from Tapi Collections, wherein she states “The East India Company was founded in 1600 to sell British woolen cloth to India, their ships arrived in India in Surat [of Gujarat] in 1608 with vast quantities of broadcloth but the trade soon faltered and died out. What changed their fortune was the discovery of cotton, which was completely unknown in Europe.” Till 18^th century from 10 th century, Indian weavers were unbeatable in world markets. In fact most of them were Tamil weavers.

Recently speaking at the Historical Society of Puducherry, Professor Orse M.Gobalakichenane who published the Veera Naicker’s diary 1778-1792 admitted that even in France, French weavers protested against import of textiles from French India namely Puducherry, Karaikal, Mahe, Yenam and Chandranagore. Quoting Veera Naicker’s diary Professor Orse.M.Gobalakichenane narrated on how the kaikolars, the Tamil community of weavers were taken on three year contract to French colonies to teach local weavers, weaving techniques. I intervened and asked, why France took weavers from Puducherry, whereas they could have brought from their France. Economics apart, it became evident by the Professor’s reply that French weavers protested Puducherry textiles leading to the logical conclusion that our weavers were far superior in their skills which made them wanted species every where.

Even within India, Gujarat particularly Ahamadabad attracted lot of Tamil weavers from Puducherry and Cuddalore regions prior to independence and post independence. Aringnar Anna, the charismatic leader of DMK when he flew to Ahamadabad in fifties of last century saw the chimneys of too many textile mills and commented that “I have seen coconut groves but not mill groves”. Those textile mills are razed to ground and becoming shopping malls and housing complexes in Ahamadabad. Successive generations of weavers have opted out of their traditional profession. In Puducherry too the three textile mills built by French were the backbone of the economy of French India. They are now sick industries breathing hard to survive in competitive economy. Our madness to go after branded products from west and inferiority complex about our textiles and weavers had made us dependent on textile imports too.

Our weavers are capable of adapting to changing times even in this century.

 Dharmavaram, a small sleepy town in Ananthapur District of Andhra Pradesh in India is known for silk saris and equated with Kanchipuram. The weavers of this Dharmavaram had brought out a singing saree known as Swaramaduri, which they weave with reloadable 4 GB memory card and with a switch in the saree music could be heard for 4 meters around. Let us patronize our weavers, our weaver’s products and keep them as rare species which once conquered the world now languishing for our attention to regain the past supremacy in world trade.

NEHRUVIAN DYNASTY AND INDIRA NEHRU-RAJIV FEROZE DICTATORSHIP UNDER GARB OF DEMOCRATS ........

பிரித்தாளும் சூழ்ச்சியால் நாடாளும் காங்கிரசு பாரதீய ஜனதா  கட்சிகளுக்கு  .....
ஆட்டுக்கு தாடி  போல நாட்டுக்கு கவர்னர்  தேவை இல்லை ... அறிஞர் அண்ணா 

NEHRU IS THE LAST DEMOCRAT IN CONGRESS

PROPHET ARINGNAR ANNA

Soon after its adoption, the constitution of India was amended in 1951. At the time, several progressive judgements by the judiciary held that laws that curb fundamental rights are essentially unconstitutional and fundamental freedoms could only be curbed in the most extreme cases. The first amendment countered this by amending Article 19 to add the word ‘reasonable’ before restrictions and to add ‘public order’ as being one more ground for abridging fundamental rights.

The evolution of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) has to be seen in the background of this gradual but steady constriction of Article 19, which guarantees the fundamental freedoms of expression, assembly and association.

The next major step in the abridgement of freedom of expression, assembly and association occurred in shape of the 16th amendment in 1963. Further ‘reasonable restrictions in the interest of the sovereignty and integrity of India’ were amended to Article 19 (2).

This amendment occurred in the immediate wake of the Indian army’s defeat in the Sino-Indian War, as well as the threat posed by the DMK contesting elections in Tamil Nadu with secession from India being part of their manifesto.

Aringnar Anna was in Vellore Prison for having led an agitation against rising prices. Jawaharlal Nehru , who outwitted Mahatma Gandhi and ensured non from the family of Mahatma Gandhi would get any powerful position in Independent India , was keen on eliminating threats to his democratic dictatorship. DMK had elected two Members of Parliament in 1957 elections. The first traitor of DMK, E.V.K.Sampath and his accomplice Poet Kannadasan conspired to break the DMK. In contrast to the Dravida Nadu demand of DMK, these traitors raised Tamil Nationalist Party.

After release from Vellore jail Aringnar Anna realizing the conspiracy of Nehru against DMK, citing Sino-Indian War gave up the Demand for Separate Dravida Nadu. Aringnar Anna had explained this decision in the journals of DMK, and in his magazine Kanchi later years the wrote a Drama titled Inba Oli, in which he described the Nehruvian weapon to finish off DMK as magnetic sword. Murasoli Maran, the ideologue of DMK in Murasoli Pongal Malar wrote IF BAN COMES, and how to face such ban.

Nehruvian Congress constituted Sir C.P.Ramasamy Iyer Committee to receive public opinion on the draconian Law. DMK’s weekly Malai Mani edited by P.S.Elango asked public to write their protest to the Commission . I wrote my protest signing with blood. 50000 such protesters name was published in Malai Mani.

I took a vow on every birthday of mine in August 18 that Never I will marry till Dravida Nadu is attained. Still till date I am a bachelor. I did not give up Dravida Nadu till 1978, when due to business I travelled across I realized that Whole India is Dravida Nadu, my view cemented by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar.

My father took a vow not to marry till India attained independence and though born in 1899 he got married in 1946 and I was born in 1947. My uncle took a vow that he will marry only after his elder brother got married and though born in 1908 he married only in 1950. So such vows are our family heritage.

Never in my life I will excuse the LAST DEMOCRAT who CREATED A NEHRUVIAN DYNASTY.

Under Nehruvian dynasty Indira Gandhi became the next to rule India as dictator pretending to be a Democrat. THE GREATEST MISTAKE OF DR. KALAIGNAR in the post Aringnar Anna phase is to support the Minority Government of Indira Gandhi when Congress split into Indigate and Syndigate. Indira Gandhi ungrateful of the rescue of DMK, dismissed the DMK Government in 1976 .

Till the misuse of Article 356 of the Constitution and using the Governors office to subvert democracy and dethrone elected Governments had become regular. The British Policy to Divide and Rule was perfected under Nehruvian legacy holder Indira Gandhi and later by her son Rajiv Gandhi.

It is time to abolish the post of Governor. It is time not to fall in the trap of Divide and Rule Policy be it from Congress or BJP. Aringnar Anna’s quote in Tamil must be remembered.

Article 356 of the Indian Constitution provides for implementation of “President's Rule” which is also called as “State Emergency”. Once President's rule is imposed, the assembly ceases to function and the state comes under the Central government's direct control. The assembly is generally kept in suspended animation.

Congress was in power at the Center when President's rule was imposed 84 times, which is more than 73% of the total

.

According to a RTI response from the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), President’s rule was imposed maximum number of times in Uttar Pradesh (10 times) while President’s rule was in vogue for maximum number of days in Punjab (more than 2000 days). Congress was in power at the Center when President’s rule was imposed 84 times, which is more than 73% of the total.

Uttar Pradesh is the state where President’s rule was imposed “Ten Times.”

25 FEBRUARY 1968 TO 26 FEBRUARY 1969 (CM- Charan Singh)

01 OCTOBER,1970 TO 18 OCTOBER, 1970 (CM- Charan Singh)

13 JUNE,1973 TO 08 NOVEMBER 1973 (CM- Kamlapati Tripathi)

30 NOVEMBER, 1975 TO 21 JANUARY, 1976 (CM- H. N. Bahuguna)

30 APRIL, 1977 TO 23 JUNE, 1977 (CM- N. D. Tiwari)

17 FEBRUARY, 1980 TO 09 JUNE, 1980 (CM- Banarasi Das)

06 DECEMBER, 1992 TO 04 DECEMBER, 1993 (CM- Kalyan Singh)

18 OCTOBER,1995 TO 17 OCTOBER, 1996 (CM- Mayawati)

17 OCTOBER,1996 TO 21 MARCH 1997 (CM- Mayawati)

08 MARCH 2002 TO 03 MAY 2002 (CM- Rajnath Singh)

TAMILNADU GOVERNMENTS AND THEIR TERMS INCLUDING DISMISSALS IS BELOW :

April 10, 1952 - April 13, 1954

Chief Minister: C Rajagopalachari 

Reason: Rajaji resigned as the president of the Madras Congress Legislative party after K Kamaraj withdrew support. He put in his papers citing failing health.

March 15 1962 - October 2 1963

Chief Minister: K Kamaraj

Reason: Kamaraj resigned from chief ministership and called for the voluntary resignations of high-level National and State officials in order to devote their efforts to rebuilding the Congress Party at the grassroots following India’s disastrous border war with China. This came to be known as Kamaraj Plan.

March 6, 1967 - February 3, 1969

Chief Minister: Dr C N Annadurai

Reason: After Annadurai’s death on February 3, 1969, Nedunchezhiyan was the acting Chief Minister before M Karunanidhi was sworn in on February 10, 1969. His term lasted till January 4, 1971.

March 15, 1971 - January 31, 1976

Chief Minister: M Karunanidhi

President’s Rule: January 31, 1976 - June 30, 1977

Reason: The President dissolved the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly after Governor said “a situation has arisen in the state in which the government can no longer be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.”

June 30, 1977 - Feb 17, 1980

Chief Minister: M G Ramachandran

President’s Rule: February 17, 1980 - June 9, 1980

Reason: Part of Indira Gandhi’s design to dissolve Assemblies of nine states ruled by non-Congress-I parties.

Feb 10, 1985 - Dec 24, 1987 (Assembly election held on Dec 24, 1984)

Chief Minister: M G Ramachandran

V R Nedunchezhian made the acting Chief Minister (Dec 24, 1987 - Jan 7, 1988) after the death of MGR on December 24, 1987

Jan 7, 1988 - Jan 30, 1988

Chief Minister: Janaki Ramachandran

President’s Rule: January 30, 1988 - Jan 27, 1989

Reasons: President R Venkataraman dissolved Assembly after Governor criticised the conduct of Speaker P H Pandian and said it was improper on his part to have adjourned the Assemblyfrequently on Jan 28 instead of proceeding with the trust vote sought by the Janaki govt. He also made adverse comments about the manner in which the Janaki ministry secured the confidence vote of 99 members in the 235-member Assembly.

Jan 27, 1989 - Jan 30, 1991 (Assembly election held on Jan 21, 1989)

Chief Minister: M Karunanidhi

President’s Rule: Jan 30, 1991 - June 24, 1991

Reason: DMK govt sacked, Assembly dissolved because of a soft line on LTTE, which managed to “carve out areas of influence” in some parts of the State. Their activities went on unchecked in the coastal areas. Certain instances of passing arms & ammunition to the LTTE through underground channels came to the notice of the Centre.

THEN THE ACTRESS ACTED ACCORDING TO HER EGO AND HISTORY OF SHAME TO DRAVIDIAN LEGACY BEGINS ………

Who's afraid of Article 356?

More than any particular State government, it is the BJP-led Government at the Centre that finds its survival to be at stake because of the politics of Article 356.

SUKUMAR MURALIDHARAN

in New Delhi

THERE would seem to be nothing more futile than seeking enlightenment from ongoing controversies over the invocation of Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss elected State governments well before their full term. They suggest little else than restive politicians of unbridled ambitions and acute insecurity trampling upon the foundations of constitutional rule.

Coalition government is known to induce a sense of restraint among the principals - a tacit recognition of the proprieties involved in mutual association. Harmony arises from a willingness to engage coalition partners in dialogue in an environment of sobriety and restraint.

Yet a paralysis of dialogue appears to be the most distinctive feature of the 100-day-old coalition Government at the Centre. The early clamor of competing demands from the coalition partners was met through the simple expedient of pressing the nuclear trigger, blasting the nation into a future of ethical confusion and multiplying strategic hazards. Dissent was silenced for a while, but did not take long to resurface.

Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee and Union Home Minister L.K. Advani with AIADMK general secretary Jayalalitha. Ironically, right now, Article 356, a knife placed in the hands of the Centre for use against State governments in claimed defence of the Constitution, seems to pose a more real threat to the survival of the BJP-led coalition at the Centre.

Once Pakistan established that far from attaining the exalted status of a nuclear weapon power, India had only managed to achieve a deadly strategic symmetry with a smaller and much weaker neighbor, the old litany of partisan demands from coalition partners was quick to emerge again. Although numbing in their triviality, transparent in their motivations and fraught with enormous dangers for the foundations of constitutional rule, these demands have already paralyzed the task of governance and brought the Atal Bihari Vajpayee Ministry perilously close to the brink.

The mood was somber when the Coordination Committee of the ruling coalition met for only the second time on June 27. Jayalalitha, leader of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, who has the presumptive loyalty of no fewer than 29 members in the Lok Sabha, stayed away. She had been engaged in a war of words with the Bharatiya Janata Party leadership over the preceding week but had seemed to relent when Prime Minister Vajpayee spoke personally to her a few days ahead of the planned meeting of the Coordination Committee. It was obvious that Jayalalitha needed a decisive intervention from the Union Government that would at least partly assuage her political insecurities. After Vajpayee's telephonic conversation, it seemed a possibility that she would settle for a deal that did not go so far as to dismiss the elected State Government of Tamil Nadu a full three years ahead of its term.

Jayalalitha cited health grounds in crying off from participation in the Coordination Committee. But her disinclination to participate in any collective political body which fails to accord her the pre-eminence that she views as a unique prerogative was apparent. The failure of collective functioning in the ruling coalition bears ominous portents for its future. But its tendency to play along partly with the irrational demands of its alliance partners suggests more immediate dangers to constitutional well-being and political federalism.

Leaders of the BJP and some of its alliance partners at the meeting of the Coordination Committee in New Delhi on June 27. Leaders of several allies of the BJP did not participate in the meeting.

OTHER constituents of the ruling coalition have receded to the background only because Jayalalitha has taken the forward position in demanding the use of Article 356. But the Samata Party in Bihar and the Trinamul Congress in West Bengal are deeply disaffected by their inability to use leverage at the Centre to get their way in the respective States. The Samata Party clearly believes that its internal cohesion can only be assured by the proximity of power at the State level.

At the Coordination Committee meeting, Samata Party representative Nitish Kumar did reiterate his demand that the Rabri Devi Government in Bihar be dismissed and fresh elections ordered. He was met with a reiteration of the BJP's position that Article 356 enshrined an emergency power which was not obviously invoked in the case at hand. Nitish Kumar did not press the point, but his sense of vulnerability is acute. His political constituency in Bihar is yet to partake of the fruits of power, and his bitter adversary, Laloo Prasad Yadav, has begun an assiduous courtship to win them over.

The Samata Party's constituency does not have a natural affinity with the BJP brand of politics, and its susceptibility to Lallu Prasad's appeal - particularly when it is buttressed by the apparatus of power in the State - cannot be underestimated. For the Samata Party, removing Lallu Prasad's proxy Government in Bihar is clearly a matter of self-preservation. Till Jayalalitha queered the pitch for them, they seemed to have a receptive audience within the BJP. No less a leader than Vajpayee had repeatedly during the recent election campaign referred to Bihar as an appropriate case for the exercise of Article 356. But with Jayalalitha having reduced the emergency power of 356 to little more than an instrument of political vendetta, the Samata Party's case also lost much of its credibility.

Samata Party leader and Railway Minister Nitish Kumar. The partisan demands of the BJP's allies for the dismissal of State governments are fraught with enormous dangers for the foundations of constitutional rule.

Jayalalitha and her allies won overwhelmingly in Tamil Nadu in the last Lok Sabha elections. The Samata Party in alliance with the BJP won fairly substantially in Bihar. The Trinamul Congress, which performed modestly in West Bengal, completes the trio of Article 356 militants which is making things awkward for the Vajpayee Ministry.

Trinamul Congress leader Mamata Banerjee failed to work out an acceptable modus vivendi with the BJP for the elections to local bodies in West Bengal in May. Any hopes that she may have entertained of breaking into the ruling Left Front's bastions of rural strength were quickly dispelled. This impelled her to raise the stakes and demand the use of Article 356 in West Bengal. The underlying intent is obviously to simulate the conditions of repression that prevailed in 1972, which was the last occasion when the Congress party won an election in West Bengal.

IT is tempting to read deep democratic scruple in the BJP's refusal to entertain the demands of its recalcitrant allies. But perhaps the truth is that it is deterred by the various practical difficulties involved. Any precipitate action using Article 356 would unsettle the loyalty of various partners of the ruling coalition, such as the Akali Dal in Punjab and the Telugu Desam Party in Andhra Pradesh. Once the debits are added up, there is unlikely to be much accruing to the credit of the BJP from the utilisation of the draconian powers under Article 356.

Trinamul Congress leader Mamata Banerjee. Her party is pressing for some form of Central action against the Left Front Government in West Bengal, based on exaggerated charges relating to the law and order situation.

A further factor is the virtual impossibility of getting a proclamation of President's Rule in any State approved by both Houses of Parliament within the stipulated period of two months. Passions have always run high over Article 356, but the Congress had, all through its years of comfortable ascendancy, no reason to believe that Parliament would actually exercise a power of scrutiny. In today's more fragmented political milieu, that can no longer be taken for granted. A certain degree of zeal in the exercise of parliamentary scrutiny, especially in a cause with such deep partisan resonances, is an integral part of current realities.

A peculiar feature of the present situation, however, is that any proclamation of President's Rule may not even reach the stage of parliamentary scrutiny. Since the tumultuous events in Uttar Pradesh in February, the possibility of the higher judiciary imposing an interim injunction on the dismissal and appointment of Ministries has become a factor to reckon with. That followed a grossly mala fide exercise of authority by the Governor of the State, Romesh Bhandari, in dismissing the Kalyan Singh Government on the strength of his subjective satisfaction that it had lost its legislative majority. This was under the scope of Articles 163 and 164 of the Constitution, which accord the Governor a limited power of "discretion" in the appointment of a Ministry.

The Supreme Court laid down in S.R. Bommai versus the Union of India that any proclamation under Article 356 is subject to judicial review. The argument that the imposition of President's Rule belongs to a special category of emergency powers that cannot be the subject matter of litigation has long since been thrown out of court.

Jayalalitha may have done her political adversaries in Tamil Nadu the greatest favour by announcing that the dismissal of the Tamil Nadu Government was an integral part of an agreement that she had struck with the BJP prior to the Lok Sabha elections. This makes any invocation of Article 356 in the foreseeable future a highly colorable exercise of power for reasons that have no legitimacy in the constitutional scheme. Jayalalitha has, unwittingly or otherwise, already laid sound foundations for the judicial quashing of the decision she seeks with such fervor from the Central Government.

CALCULATIONS of realpolitik are obviously a decisive element in the BJP Government's current posture of reticence as far as Article 356 is concerned. Moreover, citing law and order as a basis for dismissing elected State governments would cut the BJP's Ministries in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan very close to the bone. It would also unsettle the Andhra Pradesh Government, and leave Farooq Abdullah in Jammu and Kashmir with little reason to remain in office.

In April 1989, Karnataka Chief Minister S.R. Bommai (left) presents Governor P. Venkatasubbiah a copy of the resolution passed by the Janata Dal Legislature Party requesting the Governor to give him an opportunity to test his majority in the Assembly. He was denied the opportunity and his Government was dismissed, and eventually the Supreme Court laid down in the Bommai case that any proclamation under Article 356 is subject to judicial review.

Since the Supreme Court ruling in Bommai, further judicial interventions have been rare. This is partly because there have been few cases of a State Governor or the Central Government invoking the power of dismissal. The events in Uttar Pradesh in November 1997, and then again in February 1998, may have turned the tide. Arbitrary exercises of power can now be challenged in higher judicial forums and if a reaffirmation of the Bommai findings were to be sought, the BJP governments in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan would be extremely vulnerable to stricture.

It is one of the fundamental principles of Bommai that secularism, like the process of judicial review, is part of the basic structure of the Constitution. The recent manoeuvres of the BJP affiliates - notably the Vishwa Hindu Parishad - over the Ayodhya controversy perhaps invite constitutional action on this count. Legal scholars are divided on the practical consequences of the Supreme Court's finding on secularism. Rajeev Dhavan, senior advocate in the Supreme Court, feels, for instance, that the formulation is much too vague for any functional purpose.

B.K. Chandrasekhar, Professor at the National Law School of India, Bangalore, has a different interpretation. "The coercive power of Article 356," he says, "cannot be allowed to hack away at the substance of the federal arrangement." Yet, its abolition may not quite be warranted on the basis of current experience. One of the instances that might warrant the application of the Article would be where a State government works against secularism or some other basic feature of the Constitution. "In the case of the present Uttar Pradesh Government," says Chandrasekhar, "there may be a good case to examine whether any part of their activities would amount to promoting anti-secular activity, such as their promises and indirect help on the construction of the Ram temple at Ayodhya when the judiciary is yet to make a pronouncement on the dispute."

THESE border-line transgressions are compounded by the BJP's recently stated intention to legislate an outcome of its choice to the Ayodhya dispute if the judicial process fails to deliver one. This effort to play fast and loose with fundamental principles will almost certainly invite scrutiny on grounds of the preservation of the basic structure of the Constitution.

Clearly, a party that has embarked upon a perilous journey along the main fault-lines of the constitutional scheme has no reason to invite further trouble for itself by overturning the popular will in a number of major States of the Union. To say that the State governments in Tamil Nadu and Bihar have lost the popular mandate will have little legitimacy in a constitutional scheme that prescribes secure five-year terms for all elected governments. Moreover, it should in a strictly federal interpretation lead to the logical conclusion that all Members of Parliament from a State should quit in the event that Assembly elections in that State turn out adverse for the party they belong to.

Coalition rule has necessitated a culture of mutual respect and accommodation among political parties. Inured to the confrontational mode and heady on the electoral rewards that the Ayodhya campaign brought it, the BJP has had little inclination to develop this skill. Buffeted about by the conflicting priorities of its partners, it finds itself devoid of the latitude to deliver on its promise of good governance. Article 356, as it was enacted, enshrined the final responsibility of the Union Government for the preservation of peace, security and the rule of law in the entire country. As it was used, the constitutional provision became a coercive power that could be used to silence dissent and opposition.

Today, with a party in power that has repeatedly expressed its disdain for the rule of law, the inherent hazards to the States from Article 356 seem to have receded. Rather, it is the Central Government itself that stands exposed and vulnerable to baneful legacy and the inherent iniquities of this constitutional provision.

India's National Magazine

From the publishers of THE HINDU

Vol. 15 :: No. 14 :: July 04 - July 17, 1998

IT IS TIME FOR ALL REGIONAL PARTIES TO FORGE FEDERAL FRONT AND REVIVE THE CALL FOR STATE AUTONOMY RAISED BY KALAIGNAR