Humanitarian Law Advocacy Group for Tamils Toronto, February 18, 2009

ADVOCACY STRATEGY

Discussion Paper

Humanitarian Law Advocacy Group for Tamils

Toronto, February 18, 2009

PURPOSE

This document proposes ideas and themes for discourse to Tamil Diaspora’s National and International Efforts to respond to the gross and systematic violations of International Humanitarian & Human Rights Law in Sri Lanka.  At this juncture, we advocate the Application and Enforcement of International Humanitarian Law and Fundamental Human Rights of Tamils in Sri Lanka.

STRATEGY

Goal :

To urge Member States of United Nations to call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United Nations, Treaties and Customary International Law for Humanitarian Intervention in Sri Lanka in order to prevent and suppress gross and systematic Human Rights violations in Sri Lanka.

Objective

To urge our Government to use Diplomatic and Other Peaceful Means to prevent gross and systematic violations of Human rights in Sri Lanka. At the present time, there is a need to protect the Victims of Armed Conflict in terms of ‘Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol II), 8 June 1977, specially children as in accordance with Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989.

 Target Group      

•       Politicians and Policy Makers of our Host Countries

•       International Organizations

•       Non-Governmental Organizations

•       Interest Groups in Universities & Technical/Community Colleges

•       Media

Tools & Tactics

Maintaining relationships with Target Groups & Presenting reasons in support of Humanitarian Intervention (HI) on the basis of Ethical Consideration:

Questions for Thematic Area I (Ethical Justifiability of Humanitarian Intervention):

•       Are there conditions under which Humanitarian Intervention in Sri Lanka is morally imperative?

•       Is there clear Urgency for Humanitarian Intervention?

•       Is the government of Sri Lanka is unwilling or unable to take remedial action?

•       Is there a mapped-out transition to post-conflict peace building?

•       Is the purpose of Humanitarian Intervention limited to stopping the human rights abuses?

•       Will there be a high probability of success in meeting the threat in question, with the consequences of action not likely to be worse than the consequences of inaction?

•       Has our Host countries already used their diplomatic and other peaceful means to reduce the tensions, stop humanitarian crisis and avoid ongoing ethnic cleansing of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka? If so, are such means exhausted?

Maintaining relationships with Target Groups & Presenting Legal Justification for Humanitarian Intervention (HI):

Questions for Thematic Area II (Legality/Legitimacy of Humanitarian Intervention):

•       Does the stipulations contained in the Preamble of U.N. Charter offer potential backing for Humanitarian Invention in Sri Lanka?

•       Does Humanitarian Intervention fall within the prohibition of use of force contemplated in Article 2(4) of the U.N. Charter?

•       Does the Government of Sri Lanka violate International Humanitarian Law and Fundamental Human Rights of Tamils in Sri Lanka in process of Self-Defense? 

•       Is situation in Sri Lanka a threat to International Peace and Security?

•       Does the Ethnic Crisis in Sri Lanka amounts to Genocide as contemplated in the ‘The Genocide Convention’ and consequently, a threat to International Peace and Security? If so, can U.N. declare that massive violation of human rights is a threat to International Peace and Security and duly authorize humanitarian intervention under U.N. Charter?   

•       What should be the response of the International Community when faced with situation of catastrophic, internal human rights violations within a state that claims immunity from intervention based on long standing principles of national sovereignty? 

•       Is the Report, entitled “The Responsibility to Protect (R2P)”, presented by the Canadian Government sponsored ‘International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty’ (ICISS) to the U.N. Secretary General at the end of 2001 relevant to the situation prevailing in Sri Lanka? 

•       What lesson we learnt from Indian Intervention during 1987-1990 in Sri Lanka? Was it legally tenable?                    

Maintaining relationships with Target Groups & Proving that Humanitarian Intervention (HI) is Politically Possible:

Questions for Thematic Area III (Political Acceptability of Humanitarian Intervention):

•       Is Humanitarian Intervention in Sri Lanka supported by those for whom it is intended, including Tamil Diaspora?

•       Is there support of Regional States?

•       Is it necessary to explain clearly the purpose to Publics and the International Community?

•       Did  the Tamil Diaspora adopt a strategy to mitigate the prevailing frigidity of the International Community?

Maintaining relationships with Target Groups & ensuring action of our Government towards grave Human Suffering and massive Human Rights Violations in Sri Lanka:

Questions for Thematic Area IV (Non-Humanitarian Intervention):

•       Does our Government bear responsibility and take any steps to protect the victims of Armed Conflict in Sri Lanka from grave human rights violations?

•       Will our Government ensure International Presence in war-torn area to watch and record what has been happening?

•       Will our Government urge Diplomats representing the International Community to adopt a coherent and pro-active policy to prevent gross and systematic Human Rights violations in Sri Lanka?

•       Can Human Rights abuses in Sri Lanka be resolved by Diplomatic means?

•       Is the ‘Aid/loan-based Diplomacy’ no diplomacy?

•       Has Abuse of Sovereignty always been an issue in contemporary diplomatic relations? If so, should ‘Co-operative Diplomacy’ for the protection of interests of all should receive much attention?

•       Is ‘Co-operative Diplomacy’ applicable to diplomatic relations between Canada and Sri Lanka at this time?

•       Will our Government approach the Sri Lankan State with ‘Coercive Diplomacy’?

•       Did the British Prime Minister’s recent Diplomatic Move towards Sri Lanka, namely, appointment of special envoy to Sri Lanka, spark Diplomatic Row from Sri Lanka?

•       What ground-work the Tamil Diaspora did to avert backlash causing embarrassment to the British Prime Minister?

Meetings, Conferences & Conventions of the group:

•       To meet regularly to have discourse on Humanitarian Intervention and encourage involvement of our community members towards this end.

•       To organize Conferences and invite dignitaries to speak in order to create awareness among  International Community

•       To have Conventions and pass resolutions relating to our people in Sri Lanka

Materials:

•       A flyer could be produced based on factual information of the Sri Lankan Situation and provided to the target groups

COMPOSITION OF THE GROUP

The members of  ‘Tamil Diaspora’ constitutes the group. It may consist of:

•       Human Rights Activists

•       Peace Activists

•       Tamil Professionals/Academics/ & Entrepreneurs

•       Religious Leaders

•       Journalists

We note that ‘Tamil Diaspora’ is a social, political formation, created as a result of either voluntary or forced migration, whose members regard themselves as of the same ethno-national origin and who permanently reside as minorities in several host countries.  They believe that they should sustain a strong ethno-communal bond based on ongoing relationship with their homeland.

AFTER MY DEATH FROM HEAVEN I WILL FIGHT FOR JUSTICE TO EELAM TAMILS IN GHOST WORLD

உயிரோடு உலகின் பல நாடுகளில் வாழும் ஈழத்  தமிழர்கள் 1977 முதல் ஈழத்  தமிழரும் கோழைத்  தமிழரும் என்ற கட்டுரையை கலைஞர் அவர்களை ஆசிரியராகக் கொண்ட கழகத்தின் அதிகாரப்பூர்வ  கிழமை ஏடு  நம்நாடு  தொடங்கி இன்றளவும் விடாமல் உழைக்கும் எனக்கு 2006 ல் உணர்ச்சிக் கவிஞர் காசி ஆனந்தன் அளித்த பாமாலையே போதும்  முடிவு கட்டி விட்டார்கள்.

1978 முதல் 1994 வரை தொழில் வயின்  பிரிவு காரணமாக நான் புதுவையில் திங்களுக்கு ஒரு முறை வந்து சென்றவன் என்பதால் பிரபாகரனோடு நேரில் பழக்கம் இல்லாதவன்.  எனவே உலகின் எந்த நாட்டில் நடந்த எந்த மாநாட்டுக்கும்  அழைக்கவில்லை. பேராசிரியர் தீரன் போன்றவர்கள் , சினிமா நடிக  நடிகையர் , ஆங்கிலத்தில் எந்தச்  சபையிலும் ஒரு  எழுதி வைத்துக் கூட படிக்கச் முடியாதவர்கள் , இவர்களை அழைத்தார்கள். வந்த அழைப்புக்கே விசா வராமல் தடுத்தவர்கள் , தொலை  பேசியில் ஆகா  ஓகோ  புகழ்வதும்  என்னை உலக நாட்டுக்கு விளம்பரம் இல்லாமல்  சென்று ஈழத்து தமிழர்கள் வாழும் சேரிகளில் தங்கி அந்தந்த நாட்டு  ஆட்சியாளர்களை , நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களை சந்தித்து தமிழர் நிலை பற்றிச்  சொல்லிட வாதிட முட்டுக்  கட்டை போட்டவர்கள் , இந்தியாவின் பிற மாநிலங்களில்  நகரில் கண்  திறப்புக் கருத்தரங்கு நடத்த ஒருவர் மட்டுமே 100 யூரோ அனுப்பி , வேறு எவரும் நிதி தர  முடியாமல் , கருத்தரங்கு நடக்காமல் தடுத்தவர்கள் சிங்களவர் அல்ல. தமிழ்நாட்டுத் தமிழரே..

என் யோசனைப்படி உருவான புலம் பெயர்ந்த தமிழீழ அரசில் கவுரவ நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் பதவிகளில் ஊர் உலகு  அறியாதோரை இந்தியாவில் நியமித்தவர்கள்   அறியவே  பழைய பதிவுகள் இங்கு பதிவாகின்றன.

என் பணி  இறந்த பிறகு சொர்க்க லோகத்தில் உள்ள ஈழத்  தமிழர்களின் நடுவில் ஆவியுலகில் நீதி   கேட்டுப் போராடவே ........

 என்  எதிர்கால  லட்சியம் இதுவே. 

BROKEN PACTS IN SRILANKA LED TO THE BREAK OF CIVIL WAR

BROKEN PACTS   BROKEN HEARTS 

Dravida Peravai released a White Paper on The Srilankan Tamil issue. It organized an all party meeting to discuss the whole issue. Its view may not be acceptable to all but in a democracy various views have to be discussed and no view point could be suppressed in a civilized democracy like India. We reproduce the condensed version of the White Paper released by www.TamilCanadian.com, foe which we thank them. As appearing in Tamil Canadian.com, the text follows:

We have been hearing parrot-like repetitive statements from policy framers of this country that a political solution within the framework of a unified nation is alone the only panacea available to resolve the conflict between the freedom fighters of Tamil Ealam and the oppressive Sinhalese regime of Sri Lanka. We must go back in our memory lane to find out what happened to:

1. The Bandaranaike- Chelvanayam Pact of 1957

2. Dudley Senanaike-S.V.J.Chelvanayagam Pact in 1965

3. The Indo-Lanka Accord

4. 13th Amendment to Lankan Constitution in 1987

5. The Democratic People’s Alliance proposals of 1988

6. The interim report of Mangala Moonesinghe Parliamentary Select Committee  1992

7. The Gamini Dissanayake proposals contained in the UNP manifesto1994.

8. Draft provisions of the Constitution containing the proposals of the Government    of Sri lanka      relating to devolution of power by Chandrika.

23 initiatives between 1957 and now had failed to yield any result. Yet Indian bureaucracy is trying to mislead this government also that “ political solution” is possible what new proposal India has which has not been said in of these 23 proposals and which India thinks can resolve the crisis within the framework of a unitary state. India that cannot resolve Kashmir issue or for that matter the question of sub-nationalism in India is now gearing itself to commit another faux pas in its foreign policy. Dravida Peravai urges the Union government to be clear in its goals, sure of its approach and have a clear-cut solution in mind before taking the plunge.

  The 1978 constitution adopted by the UNP government (1977-1989) once for all had closed all options towards federalism. Article 2 of that Constitution declares the Republic of Sri Lanka as a UNITARY STATE. Article 76 declares that Parliament shall not abdicate in any manner alienate its legislative power and shall not set up any authority with legislative power. THESE TWO ARTICLES PROHIBITS POLITICAL DEVOLUTION. Yet Indian government influenced by quixotic arguments of bureaucrats hopes it can mediate and resolve the crisis. A clever ploy by the Pro-Sinhalese media warns that secessionism will rear its head in Tamil Nadu. None thought that Indian Muslims, who are more in number compared to Tamils, will demand a homeland here, if Palestinian cause is supported by India. The kind of genocide witnessed in Ealam is unheard of in Indian soil and condition is not conducive here for any movement to gain much foothold.

 The right of self-determination must be respected and if India intends to intervene it should seek United Nations help to hold a plebiscite in Ealam and accept the verdict of the people. India cannot and should not impose the prescriptions offered by its bureaucracy.

Many policy makers live in a world of make belief. They think 1983 is watershed in the history of Sri Lanka. IT IS NOT SO.  IT IS TRUE THAT SINHALESE STARTED TARGETING TAMILS FROM 1983. BUT SINHALESE WERE FOR ETHNIC CLEANSING DATING BACK TO A CENTURY. Kumari Jayawardene in her book on Ethnic and class clashes in Sri Lanka wrote: The first riots in recent history of Sri lanka occurred in 1883 at Kotana adjacent to Colombo between Sinhalese Buddhists and Catholics.’ So religious intolerance is one hallmark of Sinhalese policy.

 While plantation labour went from India in search of jobs, Anagarika Dharmapala was furious over British for importing untouchables to Sri Lanka. This stands testimony to the anti-dalit mentality of the Sinhalese chauvinists.

The next to be targeted were small traders from Bombay and South India. Buddhist religious leader Anagarika Dharmapala spitted venom in his speeches against North and South Indian traders. The culmination of this hate campaign resulted in wherein numerous lost their lives in 1915.In 1930 Sinhalese chauvinists next ignited their campaign of hate against the 30000 settlers from Kerala. A.E.Gunesingha, a trade unionist groomed by none other than Communist leader A.K.Gopalan launched vituperative attacks through his mouthpiece ”Veeraiyya”

 So, much before British offered universal suffrage in 1920, the Sinhalese were keen to get rid of Indian plantation Tamils. The problem of plantation which Srimavo-Sastri pact tried to aggravate by terming them as a separate country less people IS A HIMALAYAM BLUNDER committed by our external affairs policy makers.

Then came the EALAM TAMILS ETHNIC ISSUE, which has any solution all these years. The American Jews had the liberty to help for the formation of Israel like a bolt from the blue. Including India everyone supported the Palestinian cause. Such cross border support based on humanitarian reasons cannot be extended by TAMILS to FELLOW TAMILS ACROSS THE PALK STRAITS.

     

 Indira Gandhi can barter away our tiny island KATCHATHEEVU depriving Tamil fishermen their centuries old fishing rights by agreements signed during emergency. Yet we cannot seek its revocation in the light of continued killings of our fishermen in mid seas. We fail to understand the mindset of the policy makers at the Capital. THEY FAIL TO UNDERSTAND ETHNIC CLEANSING IS A BARBARIAN CONCEPT IMBEDDED DEEP IN THE PSYCHE OF THE SINHALESE CHAUVINISTS.

 DRAVIDA PERAVAI is bringing out a white paper on the abortive peace talks pacts, proposals since 1957, which will be released on 14th May. Meanwhile we urge Union Government not to take any interventionist decision even on so called humanitarian grounds. WE FEEL INDIA, NORWAY AND UNITED NATIONS CAN ENSURE CEASEFIRE AND HOLD A PLEBISCITE TO ENABLE TAMILS TO DECIDE THEIR DESTINY AS PER HIGHEST DEMOCRATIC TRADITIONS.

N.NANDHIVARMAN General Secretary DRAVIDA PERAVAI 

LTTE : LOVE TAMIL TAMILS EVERYONE

Love Tamizh Tamils Everyone 

Dravida Peravai Policy

We have within the parameters permissible in Indian Constitution had raised the issue of Ealam Tamils right from 1978. Not even once we faltered in our footsteps. Nor did we waver in our approach. To my memory the first public expression of mine on Ealam is likely to be the article written in "Nam Naadu" Official party organ of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam edited by Dr.Kalaignar M.Karunanithi on 5 th February 1978.[ From archives if we search we may even get a proof of earlier date.] 

There was a Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Ceylon and its General Secretary A.S.Manavai Thambi was exiled and lived in Tamil Nadu. There was a time wherever Tamils went, whichever land they choose to live, a separate political party titled Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam will come up in that soil, which will only have emotional and not political ties with Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam of India. We come from that ideological background, hence on all occasions we have raised voice of support for Ealam Tamils. The article" Ezha Thamizharum Kozhai Thamizharum" praises the brave Tamils of Ealam and condemns the cowards of Tamil Nadu. This was a time I was in Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. During emergency in India, a handful wrote in the official organs of DMK, of course Dr.Kalaignar fought emergency with his valiant pen. Among the handful, I am one.

A SEPARATE TAMIL STATE ONLY SOLUTION TO LANKAN PROBLEM

: SUNDAY PIONEER

Varanasi:9 July 2000: The General Secretary of Dravida Peravai party N.Nandhivarman said that a separate state for the Tamils was the only solution for the prevailing Srilankan problem.

Talking to reporters at Paradkar bhavan here on Friday, the party supremo said that the party did not support the path adopted by LTTE in Srilanka as it was not in the interests of Tamils. However he said that the party supported the demands of the Tamils in Srilanka and felt that separate Tamil Ealam was the only solution to the Srilankan problem.

N.Nandhivarman, who formed the party after his divorce from DMK, said that his party did not support the LTTE because the latter could not come to power even if the demands of the Tamils in Srilanka were accepted. He said it would be a democratic forum which would come to power in such a situation.

Though Dravida Peravai is an ally of Samata party, Mr.Nandhivarman  and other leaders of the party came here to attend the proposed national convention of Samata party here on Saturday.

Expressing serious concerns over the condition of Tamils in Srilanka, Mr.Nandhivarman said that the voice of Tamil members of Parliament in Srilanka was always crushed and the Srilankan government never paid any serious attention to the problems of the Tamils.

Launching a scathing attack on the foreign policy of the Indian Government, Mr.Nandhivarman said that its foreign policy was weak and unclear, especially in the case of Srilanka. He said that the party would present its paper on the Tamils issue of Srilanka at the proposed National convention of Samata party and urge the latter to press the government in this connection.

However, he said that the Indian government should not meddle in the internal matters of Srilanka.

In reply to a query Mr.Nandhivarman said Norway might play a vital role as a mediator. He also demanded that the Indian jurisdiction in the sea areas, especially Kacchativu islands, should be redefined.

He said due to some confusion many Indian fishermen became victims of Srilankan attacks. He said that in this direction his party had given a "Sethu samudram Yojana' which was also included in the election manifesto of the National Democratic Alliance.

The party supremo further said it was shocking that though the matter was in the poll manifesto of NDA, the BJP led NDA government did not do anything to implement the plan.

In a reply to another query, he said that his party fully supported the continuation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. Taking a safe stand that there should be an open debate on it and nothing should be done behind the curtain.

[courtesy: Sunday Pioneer, the Sunday paper of THE PIONEER, Lucknow edition in its 136 th year of publication]

During the press meeting at Varanasi press club, repeatedly I was asked do you support LTTE ? My answer was I support Tamil Ealam. They went on asking would not supporting Tamil Ealam be indirectly supporting LTTE ?. I said no. Press pressed for explanations. I told Nethaji's Indian National Army fought for Indian independence, did they come to power in India? During World War II, whole Britons supported Winston Churchill and once War was over, they did not need Churchill. Similarly now it is War and LTTE is fighting a War, after independence people may choose a democratic alternative. Hence supporting EALAM will in no way be construed as supporting LTTE.

Not satisfied press tried to extract from my mouth that I support LTTE. I jokingly said our policy is LTTE, to Love Thamizh Tamils and Everyone. That joke is the source to today's web paragraph title.

RECOGNIZE GROUND REALITIES IN SRILANKA: 

THE HINDUSTAN TIMES

[Varanasi , July 7-2000-HT Correspondent]

Dravida Peravai, the south Indian political party born after the split in the DMK, urged the Union Government to frame the right policy that will not alienate Indian Tamils from the National mainstream and to recognize the ground realities in srilanka by accepting the Tamils legitimate aspiration for freedom.

" Tamil Ealam's struggle has entered the final and crucial phase. Let India rise up to the occasion" Mr.N.Nandhivarman, the general secretary of Pondicherry based party, said.

An associate party of Samata party, Dravida Peravai,an ardent supporter of Tamil Ealam, urged the Prime Minister for a proper evaluation of the past to arrive at the right policy towards Tamils freedom struggle. It brought out a white paper on the ethnic conflict in Srilanka in May, detailing the ethnic cleansing by Sinhalese since 1983 and the plight of Tamils in the island.

Talking to media persons here today, Mr.Nandhivarman said India did not have a clear policy for Srilanka." We do support the Tamils in the island and do believe that separate state for Tamils could be the best solution to the ethnic conflict there", he said.

He said "Altogether 23 major initiatives, to bring forth peace in Srilanka since 1957 till today, have failed to yield any result. "

"Yet Indian bureaucracy is trying to mislead the Government stating that a political solution is possible. I wonder what new proposal India has which forms part of any of the 23 initiatives ?' he added.

" India that cannot resolve the Kashmir issue for that matter the question of sub-nationalism within its territory is now gearing itself to commit another faux pas in its foreign policy. Dravida Peravai urges the Union Government to be clear in its goals, sure of its approach and have a clear cut solution in mind before taking the plunge" Mr.Nandhivarman said

[courtesy: The Hindustan Times July 7,2000]

[IN NORTH ALMOST ALL HINDI DAILIES TELEVISIONS AND URDU PRESS PUBLISHED THE SAME CONTENT AND MADE US REACH  THE MINDS OF THE PEOPLE OF HINDI HEARTLAND

LAND BRIDGE ACROSS BAY OF BENGAL .. CONSPIRACY TO STALL OUR NATIONAL SEAWAYS

Analysis	Share This Page
A Berlin Wall Across Our National Seaway
by N. Nandhivarman
India and Sri Lanka recently declared that a feasibility study to construct a "Hanuman Bridge" across the Palk Straits will be undertaken. And now within few months Srilankan Investment Corporation Chairperson Mr. Jayasooriya had said that the feasibility is over and soon India and Sri Lanka are going to put their signatures for green signaling this project at a cost of Rs 4000 crores. A six way track for rail and road traffic is mooted. The distance of 29.2 kilometeres between Thalaimannar and Thanuskodi which will be connected by this bridge, will dwarf the 23 kilometer seabridge connecting Sweden and Denmark, Mr. Jayasoori proudly states. At the outset this bridge seems to be a Berlin Wall to stall the Sethu Samudram Canal project conceived before 142 years, much before Suez Canal was mooted. India's coast from West to East extends to 3555 miles and to enable Indian ships to navigate within Indian territorial waters, the only missing link will be interlinked if Sethu Samudram Canal becomes reality. Further due to United Nations backed demarcation of exclusive economic zones will see our territorial waters extended up to 350 nautical miles from the coast. In such a changed milieu, it will be appropriate to expedite the construction of Sethu Samudram Canal. The last date of receipt of global tender for preparation of a feasibility study on Sethu Samudram Canal ended on 15th December 2001, and the nodal agency for implementation of Sethu Samudram Canal namely the Tuticorin Port Trust had then stated that the feasibility study will be over in 18 months. Now National Environmental Engineering Research Institute which had done priliminary study, is entrusted with the task of doing the final study. Even the newly inducted Minister of State for Shipping Mr.Su.Thirunavukkarasar had said soon Sethu Samudram Project will commence. If one had to recall the past it contains so many feasibility reports in queue. In 1860 Mr. A. D.Taylor of Indian Marine in his report estimated that the project could be completed in an estimated cost of 50 lakhs. These are the other feasibility reports during British rule namely British Parliament Committee Report (1862), The Report of Sir John Stuart the Chief Assistant Surveyor of Government of Ceylon (1871), The Report of Harbour Engineer George Robertson (1872), The Report of the South Indian Ship Canal Port and Coaling Station Ltd (1884), Southern Railway Company Report (1902), Sir Robert Brislow Harbour engineer of Government of India (1921), The Report of the Government of Madras on Harbour Development (1947). In Independent India, for the first time the henceforth Rameswaram Shipping Canal got renamed as Sethu Samudram Canal in 19.5.1955 and plans to initiate a technical investigation for including this project in the II nd Five Year Plan gained momentum. Sir A. Ramaswamy Mudaliar Committee report (1955) in which the estimate of the project was merely 9.98 crores did not find favour for inclusion in the 2nd Five Year Plan. Thereafter Dr. Nagendra Singh Committee Report (1963), C.V. Venkateswaran Committee Report (1965), The revised estimate of C.V. Venkateswaran Committee (1971), The Technical Committee of Government of India (1980), The Report of the Harbour wing of the Ministry of Shipping (1981), Laksminarayanan Committee Report (1983), The unanimous resolution of Tamil Nadu Assembly (1986), Pallavan Transport Committee Report (1996), The National Environmental Research Institute report (1998) are in the league of reports that had favored this project over a period of 140 years. Now this project, which had been included in the IX th Plan, is going to be subjected for another feasibility study by global players. As the rationale to have a National High ways is justifiable by all means, the dire need to have a National Seaway too is logical and is in national interest. If this canal is built near Adams Bridge linking Palk Straits with Gulf of Mannar, we can have an uninterrupted National Seaway. And the recent decision of Indian and Srilankan Prime Ministers to have a bridge becomes a way for decent burial of for Sethu Samudram Canal. Instead in national interest India must desist from building a bridge and go ahead with the canal project. As Hanuman Bridge is attractive for the emotional of the ruling elite, we can even rename Sethu Samudram as Hanuman Samudram Canal and give clearance for this dream project. Dravida Peravai will launch a march from Pondicherry to Rameshwaram to draw the attention of the people of Southern Tamil Nadu over the neglect of Tuticorin Port and the overall economy of South by constructing a BERLIN WALL ACROSS PALK STRAITS WHICH WILL SEND SETHU SAMUDRAM CANAL PROJECT FOR A BURIAL. We are meeting CPI State Secretary Nallannu who is here in Pondicheery today 14th July 2002 and will meet Dr.S.Ramadass PMK founder on 16 th and will meet all leaders including DMK PRESIDENT Dr.M.KARUNANITHI. We have apprised the situation by email to COMRADE GEORGE FERNANDES, NDA CONVENOR, today i.e 14th July 2002.
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14-Jul-2002
More by :  N. Nandhivarman

OIL WARS AHEAD IN OUR OCEANS

OIL IN  THE CONTINENTAL SHELF OF 

ARABIAN SEAS &BAY OF BENGAL 

Editorials Monday, September 21st, 2009

There is oil in the Bay of Bengal and the evidence of Methane gas in the Shale treasures of the Arabian Sea point to rich deposits of Carbon based riches on the shorelines of Pakistan.  Bangladesh, Myanmar and Pakistan are stuck in protracted stalemates on resolving the issues of the law of the sea.

Myanmar says India has extended the maritime boundary unilaterally; Bangladesh to contest claims too

New Delhi: India’s claim over 300,000 sq. km of seabed in the Bay of Bengal that could potentially have large hydrocarbon reserves is being disputed by its eastern neighbours Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Myanmar, in a 4 August letter to the United Nations (UN), has complained that India has unilaterally extended the maritime boundary between the two countries, contravening a 1986 bilateral agreement. A copy of the letter is available on the UN website.

The maritime boundary between nations is an important reference point for establishing claims over untapped oil and gas, and mineral wealth in continental shelves.

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on 18 June said that her government was also planning to contest India’s and Myanmar’s claims to the extended continental shelf. This was reported in the Daily Star, a local English newspaper.

A continental shelf is the relatively shallow seabed surrounding a continent that could, in many instances, extend beyond a country’s exclusive economic zone, defined by the UN as a sea area within 200 nautical miles (360km) from the shore.

The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos) permits countries to claim continental shelf regions beyond the exclusive economic zone (giving exclusive fishing and mining rights), provided they can back it up with scientific data. On 12 May, India staked claim to large swathes of seabed under the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal, which a government scientist involved with the survey process pegged at approximately 0.6 million sq. km of continental shelf. The scientist asked not to be identified.

Mint on 12 June reported that India’s claim was likely to also conflict with regions claimed by Sri Lanka as its own, quoting top government officials involved in the process.

India’s external affairs ministry is likely to enter into bilateral discussions with these countries and resolve the contentious issues, rather than wait for the UN to take a call, said an official at the ministry of earth sciences, which was involved in conducting surveys and technically establishing the extent of India’s continental shelf.

“Every country is going to be ambitious with its claims. There are obviously regions that may be common to countries, but the way out is to draw a median line and suitably apportion them,” said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Spokespersons from the ministry of external affairs—which submitted India’s claim—and Myanmar’s high commission in New Delhi didn’t respond to emails and repeated calls seeking comment.

Though the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea may not have as copious oil reserves as the Arctic circle, where a number of countries, from Russia to Denmark, are staking claim under the UN treaty, India has a programme to tap gas hydrates, which is seen as a major component of untapped seabed wealth.

India’s national gas hydrate programme was started in 1997 by the petroleum ministry along with Oil and Natural Gas Corp. Ltd, GAIL (India) Ltd, Oil India Ltd, Directorate General of Hydrocarbons, department of ocean development, National Institute of Oceanography and National Geophysical Research Institute.

Methane, the primary component of natural gas, can be trapped in crystalline ice-like substances with water and small amounts of other gases. Methane hydrates are stable in ocean floor sediment at depths greater than 300m, and where they occur, they are known to cement loose sediment in a surface layer several hundred metres thick. If this methane can be freed in an economically viable manner, it will add to a country’s energy reserves. Posted: Tue, Aug 25 2009. 9:52 PM IST. Economy and Politics. Jacob P.

Huge Oil Deposits Located Near Coast of Pakistan

An estimated four to six million barrels of deposits of oil are located in the 240000 kilometres of Pakistan’s sea coast. Disclosing this Dr. Abdul Farah, Director General National Institute of Oceanography (NIO). Karachi told a radio news conference, that in addition to oil, mineral deposits could also be found in the sea coast of the country. However, exploration for oil and mineral deposits in the North Arabian Sea had so far been done by the foreign companies…Huge oil deposits located near coast.  He said, in order to make our exploration for oil and mineral deposits from the sea a research ship was needed. (Pakistan’s sea coast)(Business Opinion)

He said that a joint research programme of Pakistan and United States costing three million dollars spread over five years had been approved recently under which deep see exploration from 500 metres to 3000 metres would be undertaken to see properties and the behaviour of monsoon with changes in the sea. He also spoke of the Antarctica Scientific Expedition Mission undertaken by Pakistani scientists and said. “we are the first Muslim country to have hoisted our flag in Antarctica. Progress of the expedition since the members of the team reached Antarctica on January 14 has so far been satisfactory”.

To a question Dr. Farah said, Pakistan was the first country to carry out research and establish its station at the same time in Antarctica. He said, members of Pakistani expedition comprising scientists from NIO, Geological Survey of Pakistan, Meteorological Department, Hussain Ebrahim Jamal Institute of Karachi University, Pakistan Army and Navy will stay in Antarctica for one month to carry out research work.

The project which costed Rs. 8 crores most of it in foreign exchange enabled the members of the expedition to set up Jinnah Station in Antarctica where an instrument will be installed which by satellite will send figures of various aspects of weather all the year round. The DG NIO also disclosed that Pakistan was the first country to have completed arrangements for sending an expedition and setting up a station in Antarctica. So far a total of 39 countries have set up stations in Antarctica. He hoped Pakistan will be able to share its experience gained from this expedition with other Islamic countries. To a question, he said “we want to continue this expedition in future as well”.

He explained that the success of the Antarctica expedition was possible due to the cooperation of the Federal Government, Ministry of Science and Technology, and scientists and experts of Pakistan Army and Navy, besides NIO. He said, members of the expedition will collect samples of ice and stones of rock for scientific studies of air radiation, temperature, etc. According to Dr. Farah, Pakistan has established itself in the international efforts by sending its expedition to Antarctica.

He agreed with a questioner that industrialists had not yet responded positively to invest in the research and development activity for science and technology. To yet another question, he said, pollution has affected marine life of the country. Only with the cooperation of industrialists can pollution be controlled, he added. However, there was now awareness among the industrialists to check pollution. Regarding growth of Mangroves along the coast Dr. Farah said that this should be encouraged as it was a source of food for fish. Publication: Economic Review Date: Tuesday, January 1 1991

The Bay of Bengal is not the only Continental Shelf that is being contested. The Arabian Sea is also being contested. Sir Creek makes a huge difference in the number of Nautical miles which come under the control of Paksitan or Bharat.

Northwestern branch of the Indian Ocean, covering 3,859,000 sq km/1,489,970 sq mi, with India to the east, Pakistan and Iran to the north, and the Arabian Peninsula and Somalia to the west. It is linked with the Red Sea via the Gulf of Aden, and with the Gulf via the Gulf of Oman. Its mean depth is 2,730 m/8,956 ft. The chief river flowing into the Arabian Sea is the Indus, which is linked with a large submarine canyon in the continental shelf. The sea is rich in fish.

Surface currents are driven by the monsoon winds, a northeasterly flow from the Somali coast in summer known as the ‘Monsoon Drift’, with a weaker flow in the opposite direction in winter. The Arabian Sea is divided into two basins, the Somali and Arabian, separated by the Carlsberg ridge. This ridge is seismically active, and divides in the Gulf of Aden, one part entering the Red Sea and the other eventually linking with the Great Rift Valley system in eastern Africa.

The Arabian Sea Large Marine Ecosystem (LME) is characterized by its tropical climate. It encompasses three sub-regions in the Indian Ocean. The Western Arabian Sea borders Somalia, Yemen and Oman; the Central Arabian Sea borders Iran; the Eastern Arabian Sea borders India and Pakistan. Each sub-region has its own originality in terms of current patterns, physical characteristics, physiochemical qualities, dominant species and biodiversity. There is extensive interchange of surface waters in the Indian Ocean between the Arabian Sea LME and the Somali Current and Bay of Bengal LMEs. A few rivers (Indus, Euphrates and Tigris) empty into the LME. LME book articles and chapters pertaining to this LME include Dwivedi and Choubey, 1998; Bakun et al, 1998; Baars et al, 1998; and Piontkovski, 1998.

Pakistan’s Arabian Sea: Rich treasures lie under the waters of the Pakistani shoreline. Every inch of Pakistani terrotory has to be defended in Sir Creek. Pakistan loses hundreds of square miles in the Oil rich Arabian Sea

Productivity

The continental shelf is widest off the Northwest coast of India. This region has tropical cyclone storms. There is extensive interchange of surface waters in the Indian Ocean, encompassing the Arabian Sea LME, the Somali Current LME and the Bay of Bengal LME. Depending on monsoon winds, local topography, the width and depth of the continental shelf, and drainage of coastal areas, there are three coastal ecosystems, each characterized by its own productivity and species distribution. For more information on these 3 sub-regions, see Dwivedi and Choubey, 1998. There is a complex set of ecologic processes affecting trophic enrichment, food distribution, and advection of swimming organisms. The Arabian Sea LME is strongly influenced by monsoons. During the southwest monsoon, from May to October, the winds in this region are from the southwest, inducing a great deal of evaporation from the warm waters of the Arabian Sea, and heavy rainfall along the coast of India. The winds blow toward India and cause upwelling of low-oxygen waters.

There is a concentration of fish in nearshore areas at that time. During the other half of the year, the winds blow in the opposite direction, and not as strongly. For a map of the southwest and northeast monsoons, see Bakun et al, 1998, pp 120 and 121. For more on surface circulation and on upwelling in the Gulf of Aden, off Oman and off the Southwest Indian coast, see Bakun et al, 1998. For data on monsoons observed in 1992 and 1993, see Baars et al, 1998. There is more information on the Arabian Sea’s geological and climatic evolution, the role of JGOFS in the Arabian Sea, and on Arabian Sea seasonal changes in upwelling and productivity. This tropical region shows great marine biodiversity. The Arabian Sea LME is considered a Class I, highly productive (>300 grams of Carbon per square meter per year (gC/m2-yr)) ecosystem based on SeaWiFS global primary productivity estimates. For more information on productivity in the Gulf of Aden, see Baars et al, 1998. For more information on former Soviet expeditions to the Indian Ocean, conducting field surveys of plankton fields and studying physical, chemical and biologic characteristics, see Piontkovski, 1998. In this LME, there are clear differences in salinity in water masses of different origin. Off of India’s southwest coast, mud banks help to increase productivity. http://www.eoearth.org/article/Arabian_Sea_large_marine_ecosystem

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